Unity

Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the GDR

The Schlossbrücke crossing the Spree with sculptures of warriors and goddesses of victory on pedestals. In the background is the Commandant's House. The Schlossbrücke crossing the Spree with sculptures of warriors and goddesses of victory on pedestals. In the background is the white high-rise building of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the GDR.

Schlossbrücke and the Commandant's House 2022 and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the GDR 1991.

MINISTRY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS OF THE GDR

A New Beginning with Big Plans

In the spring of 1990, the first foreign minister of a democratically elected GDR government had far-reaching ideas for a new Europe. However, it was not the reshaping of the continent that was on the agenda, but a rapid German unification.

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On his first day in office, the new minister expected to meet his predecessor. After all, he thought, an orderly transition of office was customary. At the Ministry of Foreign Affairs at the Spreekanal, however, he only encountered a few typists sitting in largely emptied offices. Not even the government’s own telephone network was working. The former SED regime wanted to make the new start as difficult as possible for the victorious opposition.

The new foreign minister was Markus Meckel, a pastor engaged in the peace movement of the GDR. Since April 1990, as a member of the Social Democratic Party he was member of the first and last democratic government of the GDR. The voters had assigned them the task of leading the GDR into German Unity as quickly as possible. Meckel had no intention of relying on the veteran diplomats in his ministry, and he also kept his distance from the advisors in the Federal Foreign Office in Bonn. His closest associates were companions from the GDR and the West German peace movement. They had ambitious plans.

Initially, the GDR government in East Berlin expected the process until Unity to take two years. The new members of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs wanted to use this time to restructure Europe. Their goal: The two military blocs – NATO around the United States and the Warsaw Pact around the Soviet Union – were supposed to disappear, as were all nuclear weapons. From then on, the European countries were supposed to all work together to ensure their security.

But what was now pending was not a major conference to reshape the continent, but negotiations on German Unity. In addition to the two German states, only the four victorious powers were involved. They were therefore called the Two Plus Four negotiations. Since 1945, the victors of World War II – the Soviet Union, the United States, Great Britain and France – had been entitled to decide on "Germany as a whole". Above all, they had to agree on which military alliance the united Germany would belong to. To NATO? To the Warsaw Pact? To neither? Or even to both?

The East Berliners’ proposal to dissolve the military blocs was met with disapproval in Washington. The only place for Germany, according to the US government, was in NATO. This was also the view in Bonn, London and Paris. Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev, who was fighting for political survival, also rejected the plans of the GDR. Meckel and his team stood alone. The newcomers had a hard time against the experienced diplomats. They represented a state that was in the process of abolishing itself. What weight could they therefore still have?

The key question of German NATO membership was decided between Gorbachev and US President George Bush. Gorbachev finally gave in because his country’s internal crises consumed him completely. He hoped for billions in aid from Bonn, which he eventually received. Everything went much faster than expected. In September, the foreign ministers of the Two Plus Four states signed the "Vertrag über die abschließende Regelung in Bezug auf Deutschland", in English "Treaty on the Final Settlement with Respect to Germany", as it was officially called. Markus Meckel concluded: "Although I had a different conception for Two Plus Four, I was extremely pleased that it was achieved so quickly and successfully."

MINISTRY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS OF THE GDR

Contemporary Witnesses Report

With reunification, the occupation of the Allies was to end. Germany wanted to be sovereign again. The foreign ministers of East and West Germany and an advisor to the Russian president report on the negotiations.

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Intro
Markus Meckel feels that he was not being taken seriously as GDR foreign minister.
Hans-Dietrich Genscher remembers harsh statements by the Soviet Union.
Hans-Dietrich Genscher negotiated the terms of NATO membership.
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Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the GDR

The spring and summer of 1990 were marked by foreign policy negotiations on fundamental questions: Would the Soviet Union allow a united Germany to join the Western defence alliance – NATO? Would the Allied reserved rights be terminated? Would Germany attain full sovereignty? In this process the GDR was represented by its Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

CONTEMPORARY WITNESS

Markus Meckel

On March 18, 1990, the first free elections in the GDR took place. Pastor Markus Meckel became the new foreign minister. A few days earlier, officials had met in Bonn to prepare the end of Allied reserved rights in both parts of Germany. For the new GDR foreign minister, the timing of the appointment sent a clear signal. He recalls.

“On March 14, four days before the free election in the GDR, the first meeting of officials took place, who then discussed the question of the agenda and such things, those were very central questions. We found that scandalous. It made it clear that the others were not interested in the GDR at all. Not only not in the non-democratic GDR, but also not at all in the question of the legitimacy of the GDR government. Anyone who arranges such a meeting four days before the election says: It doesn't matter what they look like. We don’t want to deal with them anyway. That was essentially what this date meant. At first, it seemed a bit more elevated – from a personal point of view – by the friendly acceptance into the circle of foreign ministers. But then it became very clear that this was the policy from the very beginning: We were not supposed to play a role, but to be a number in this numbers game. Nevertheless, I think we succeeded in contributing some things in terms of content at a few points."

CONTEMPARY WITNESS

Hans-Dietrich Genscher

During the Two Plus Four negotiations in East Berlin on June 22, Soviet Foreign Minister Eduard Shevardnadze made unexpectedly sharp remarks and seemed to backtrack on earlier concessions. His West German counterpart, Hans-Dietrich Genscher, recalls how it became clear to him that domestic political considerations in the Soviet Union were behind this.

“Shevardnadze, of course, had to take the mindset in Moscow into account. I knew that he was facing a party convention. But to be certain that my assessment was correct, I took him aside when we left the negotiating room and I said: The democratization process in Moscow seems to have reached such a stage that the Soviet foreign minister – as is sometimes the case here as well – once again takes a particularly tough position on some issue before a party convention. Then he smiled at me without answering the question. It was clear to me then: he had not made this speech to our address."

CONTEMPARY WITNESS

Hans-Dietrich Genscher

In July 1990, West Germany’s Foreign Minister Hans-Dietrich Genscher travelled to the Caucasus with Chancellor Helmut Kohl for negotiations with the Soviet Union. At issue were the terms of a possible NATO membership for a reunified Germany. Looking back, Genscher says that the breakthrough came even before the German-Soviet meeting.

“When I came to the Caucasus, the Soviet Union’s consent to the NATO membership of the united Germany had long been given. This had already happened during Gorbachev’s visit to the United States in the conversation with President Bush. There had also been a press conference there. Now it was about questions regarding the duration of the presence of Soviet troops on the territory of the GDR and about payments that we should make. But that just happened in a climate that the pictures express quite truthfully. You knew you had reached a point where you could create a completely new partnership and you could pick up where you left off a year earlier, where we had a stroke of luck in German history: namely, that first President Bush and then Secretary General Gorbachev had been in Bonn, in early summer. And we were in that historic year of 1989 actually at a peak of our relations with both world powers, with the United States of America and with the Soviet Union.”

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MINISTRY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS OF THE GDR

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Schinkelplatz 1
10117 Berlin
 

 

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